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Supreme Court sits as 16 States  Governors are challenging EFCC’s Establishment Act
The Supreme Court, on Tuesday, fixed Oct. 22 for the hearing of a suit filed by at least 16 state governments challenging the constitutionality of the laws establishing the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and two others.
A seven-member panel of justices, led by Justice Uwani Abba-Aji, fixed the date after the states were joined as co-plaintiffs and leave granted for consolidation of the case in the suit originally filed by the Kogi Government through its Attorney General (AG).
The states that joined in the suit marked: SC/CV/178/2023 include Ondo, Edo, Oyo, Ogun, Nassarawa, Kebbi, Katsina, Sokoto, Jigawa, Enugu, Benue, Anambra, Plateau, Cross-River and Niger.
The 16 states said they are relying on the fact that the constitution is the supreme law and any law that is inconsistent with it is a nullity.
The plaintiffs argued that the Supreme Court, in Dr Joseph Nwobike Vs Federal Republic of Nigeria, had held that it was a UN Convention against corruption that was reduced into the EFCC Establishment Act and that in enacting this law in 2004, the provision of Section 12 of the 1999 Constitution, as amended, was not followed.
They argued that, in bringing a convention into the Nigerian law, the provision of Section 12 must be complied with.
According to them, the provision of the Constitution necessitated the majority of the states’ Houses of Assembly agreeing to bringing the convention in before passing the EFCC Act and others, which was allegedly never done.
The argument of the states in their present suit, which they said had been corroborated by the Supreme Court in the previous case mentioned, is that the law, as enacted, could not be applied to states that never approved of it, in accordance with the provisions of the Nigerian constitution.
Hence, they argued that any institution so formed should be regarded as an illegal institution.
When the case was called on Tuesday, lawyers, who represented the states, made their submissions.
While majority sought to be joined as co-plaintiffs, two of the states prayed for an order for consolidation of the case.
Kogi AG’s counsel, Abdulwahab Mohammed, SAN, informed the court that there were states that indicated interest in consolidation of the case and those seeking to be joined as co-plaintiffs.
“It is for this honourable court to tell us how to proceed my lord.
“Out of about 15 states, there are about 13 of them that have indicated interest to be co-plaintiffs and only two want consolidation.
“To make the task of the court easier, those who want to be joined as co-plaintiff should be joined and abide by the processes already filed and those who sought consolidation should be asked to file within seven days,” Mohammed said.
After the lawyers’ submissions, Justice Abba-Aji granted their prayers.
She adjourned the matter until Oct. 22 for hearing.
The Kogi State AG had, in the suit number: SC/CV/178/2023 sued the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) as sole defendant.
In the originating summons filed by a team of lawyers led by Prof .Musa Yakubu, SAN, the state raised six questions for determination and sought nine reliefs.
The Kogi government sought a declaration that the federal government through the Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit (NFIU) lacked the power to issue any directive, guideline, advisory or any instrument howsoever called for the administration and management of funds belonging to the state.
The government also sought a declaration that the EFCC,  the NFIU or any agency of the federal government cannot investigate, requisition documents, invite and or arrest anyone with respect to offences arising from or touching on the administration and management of funds belonging to the state.(NAN)
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Several gunmen neutralised as Military personnel hit suspected Bandits in major ambush

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Several people neutralised as Military personnel hit suspected Bandits in major ambush

Nigerian Air Force (NAF) soldiers have killed a number of bandits in Tsafe Local Government Area (LGA), Zamfara State, in a decisive operation that involved targeted airstrikes.

The strike came after a well-planned intelligence operation, according to a report from “Zagazola Makama,” one of the top counter-insurgency publications in the Lake Chad region.

According to sources, the robbers had left Tsafe LGA and were thought to be connected to the notorious bandit boss Ado Aliero.

Their mission was to rustle cattle from nearby communities, a crime they successfully carried out before attempting to escape with the stolen livestock.

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However, their retreat was cut short when they encountered resistance from local security forces. As the bandits moved into a mountainous area, security forces, tracking their movements, set up an ambush. Upon confirming the bandits’ location, the Nigerian Air Force was promptly alerted.

With precision, air assets were deployed to engage the fleeing bandits. Eyewitness accounts confirmed that numerous bandits were neutralized, though the precise death toll remained unverified at the time of the report.

Sources further revealed that at least 23 bandits were killed, with several others suffering injuries. Additionally, a significant number of rustled cattle were recovered by the troops, dealing a severe blow to the criminal operation in the region.

This successful strike underscores the growing effectiveness of coordinated intelligence and military operations in the ongoing fight against banditry and insurgency in northern Nigeria.

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President Tinubu’s Minister takes on Ganduje as fesh crisis rocis APC

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President Tinubu’s Minister takes on Ganduje as fesh crisis rocis APC

The Minister of State for Housing, Yusuf Abdullahi Atta, has cautioned the National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress, APC, Dr Umar Abdullahi Ganduje against any attempts to allow the current Chairman of the APC in Kano to continue in office for a fourth term.

The Minister was quoted to have warned that any attempt to gives the current Chairman of the APC, Abdullahi Abbas another chance, would lead to serious crises in the party.

The Minister issued the threats at a caucus meeting in Fagge Local Government Area of Kano, on Saturday.

The Minister said, “we will not take it lightly with anybody trying to return Abdullahi Abbas to office after the expiration of his tenure, because it violates the constitution of the party”.

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“We would not accept the Chairman, Abdullahi Abbas to be imposed on us for the fourth term, this will surely result in us decamping immediately from the party”, he threatened.

“We are saying loud and clear, I swear if Abdullahi Abbas is given another chance all of us will decamp from the party and APC will crash and lose 2027, this is my message to anybody who cares to listen”.

Yusuf Atta alleged that the arrogant and misguided disposition of Abdullahi Abbas as state Chairman is among the many negative tendencies that crippled and made the party to lost power in 2023.

“And up till today, the same person has not changed, therefore we are strongly warning that in any case and anyhow Abdullahi Abbas is given another chance everyone should consider the Party losing 2027.

” We were given good training by our parents and we know who God is, we never dare him but this man doesnt know that, therefore with him as Chairman APC is a foregone party in Kano.”

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Atta said in 2023, APC won the governorship contest with Gawuna and Sule Garo as candidate and deputy but that Anti God remarks of Abdullahi Abbas truncated their victory.

There are reports that the National Chairman of the APC, Abdullahi Ganduje is planning on reimposing Abdullahi Abbas to continue as the state chairman of the party for the fourth term.

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Why we removed Buhari’s Govt in 1985 through Military coup – IBB gives further revelations

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Why we removed Buhari’s Govt in 1985 through Military coup – IBB gives further revelations

In a striking revelation, former military president General Ibrahim Babangida (retd) has shed light on the underlying cause of Major General Muhammadu Buhari’s ousting in 1985. According to Babangida, the removal of Buhari was a direct result of his tendency to personalize leadership during his time as Head of State.

Buhari, who initially came to power in a military coup in December 1983 that removed then-President Shehu Shagari, was himself toppled two years later. Babangida, who played a pivotal role in that power shift, shared insights in his book ‘A Journey in Service’, where he discussed the “holier-than-thou” mindset exhibited by both Buhari and his deputy, the late Brigadier Tunde Idiagbon. This approach, Babangida argued, alienated the military and the general public, pushing the nation to a critical tipping point.

Reflecting on the events that led to the 1985 coup, Babangida pointed out that Buhari’s leadership style not only distanced him from his own military constituency but also led to a breakdown in relations with the civil populace, which ultimately paved the way for his ouster.

His words: “The change in leadership had become necessary as a response to the worsening mood of the nation and growing concern about our future as a people. All through the previous day, as we flew from Minna and drove through Lagos towards Bonny Camp, I was deeply reflecting on how we as a nation got to this point and how and why I found myself at this juncture of fate. By the beginning of 1985, the citizenry had become apprehensive about the future of our country.
The atmosphere was precarious and fraught with ominous signs of clear and present danger. It was clear to the more discerning leadership of the armed forces that our initial rescue mission of 1983 had largely miscarried.
We now stood the risk of having the armed forces split down the line because our rescue mission had largely derailed. If the armed forces imploded, the nation would go with it, and the end was just too frightening to contemplate. Divisions of opinion within the armed forces had come to replace the unanimity of purpose that informed the December 1983 change of government.
In state affairs, the armed forces, as the only remaining institution of national cohesion, were becoming torn into factions; something needed to be done lest we lose the nation itself. My greatest fear was that division of opinion and views within the armed forces could lead to factionalisation in the military. If allowed to continue and gain root, grave dangers lay ahead.

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“My predecessor in office, Major General Muhammadu Buhari, and his deputy, Brigadier Tunde Idiagbon, had separated themselves from the mainstream of the armed forces by personalising what was initially a collective leadership. They both posited a ‘holier than thou’ attitude, antagonising the civil populace against the military. Fundamental rights and freedoms were being routinely infringed upon and abused. As a military administration, we were now presiding over a society that was primarily frightened of us. We were supposed to improve their lives and imbue the people with hope for a better future.

“Instead, we ruled the nation with a series of draconian decrees. An administration intended to reflect the collective will of the armed forces as a national institution came to be seen as the private personal autocracy of a stubborn few. Like most military coups, our leadership change was informed by widespread disquiet among the civil populace. Ordinary people were experiencing severe economic hardship. The general economic and social conditions the people lived under were worsening by the day.

“Yet arbitrary controls in all aspects of economic life and an ancient resort to barter in international trade meant that the nation’s financial woes would not end soon. Draconian decrees led to the abuse and severe limitation of basic freedoms as people were clamped into indefinite detention, most times for minor infractions. Punishment for crimes against the state had led to the pursuit of mechanical legalistic justice against the dictates of natural justice. As the Chief of Army Staff, I was under undue pressure from the rank and file to seek ways of reconnecting the government to society lest we lose the nation itself.

“On several occasions and instances, even the very integrity of the armed forces was being called into question. A disciplinary case involving allegations of divided interest against some senior officers was decided without due recourse to the Army Council. Instead of waiting for a report and investigation from the Army leadership, the affected officers were unceremoniously relieved of their commission, and their military career of so many years was abruptly ended without any input from the Army as their institution of origin. I objected to this arbitrariness and disregard for due process. I confided in some senior colleagues that I would rather resign my commission than continue in office as Chief of Army Staff without input into decisions that concern the careers of personnel under my command.

“In response, I was placed under surveillance, with the privacy of my communications and those of my family constantly monitored. This tense atmosphere culminated in the unanimous decision of a broad spectrum of senior and middle-level officers to change the nation’s leadership. The processes associated with this change were completed without bloodshed by midnight on August 26, 1985. ON AUGUST 27, 1985, I assumed office as the nation’s new leader, fully aware of the many challenge confronting the country. I had no illusions about the direction in which to move the country. I had long-standing convictions about Nigeria born of many decades of comprehensive consultations with a broad spectrum of compatriots from nearly all walks of life. Having been part of all previous government changes, I had become quite familiar with the wishes and aspirations of our people and developed a template of what needed to be done, at least from my modest perspective. The new administration’s determination was informed by a genuine desire to end the cycle of instability in both the politics and general history of the nation. I made this clear in my inaugural address to the nation.”

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